The Future of Global Education in Aotearoa New Zealand

You may have noticed that there have been few blogs posted in recent times. This is because we have been reprioritising our work as we wind things down here in the office. These are our final weeks in the office and as you can imagine, there is much to do.

What follows are my personal reflections on recent times.

The last three years have been incredibly challenging for Global Focus. The world changed around us and the Government changed too. The strategic policy framework articulated between the NGOs and the previous government became increasingly invisible until it was pretty much acknowledged that it no longer carried any weight.  (Although at the time this post was published that document was still on the NZ Aid programmes website).

Global Focus experienced increasing intrusion from the main funding body as rightly or wrongly the approach changed from the agreed core-funding model to a ‘contract for services’ model. Our funders felt growing ownership over our activities which therefore included the associated risks, both political and financial. It is my belief that eventually those perceived risks outweighed the perceived benefits and triggered the total withdrawal of all financial support.  This coupled with the realisation that we didn’t have a powerful constituency supporting us, meant we were considered expendable.

But perhaps somewhat obviously, I disagree with that assessment. In fact I believe a voice which helps people understand their lives in the context of contemporary global issues is more important now than ever. We have been accused of being too radical and not neutral enough but I now think that perhaps we didn’t go far enough.

In a world were the global media is dominated by a few key groups with specific self-centred interests, we have a duty to present a differing view points. In a world where famines are still occurring we have a duty to get people thinking about why that might be. In a world were peaceful protesters are being arrested while financial criminals aren’t held accountable because they happen to be in positions of privilege, we have a duty to keep talking about global injustice. We have a duty to remind people in Aotearoa New Zealand about the injustices that exist here, in our own backyards, lest we get lulled into a sense of false security that bad things only happen anywhere but here.

As we sift through our collections of publications we looked at one from 20 years ago. It was talking about the same issues that we discuss today; poverty, aid, food. Depressingly, not much seems to have changed. That publication barring minor edits is probably still just as relevant today as it was when it was published.

Does that mean we failed, that Global Focus didn’t change the minds of enough people to make a big enough difference? I don’t think so. I just think it means the size of the problem is bigger than we could manage on our own. Once lessons pass from living memory they are often forgotten and we are doomed to repeat them. (Three year election cycles don’t help) Resolving this requires more resources not less.

“Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it” – George Santayana

I hope the larger development sector (which includes all organisations involved in international, social and youth development work and education) will continue to recognise the value of global education and will resource the work of teaching knowledge, skills and the values in ways that go beyond communications and marketing strategies.

Maybe there won’t be an office of Global Focus staff who are producing regular documents for you to read, helping you to formulate your opinions or for you to use in your classrooms. But you can still continue the work of our organisation on our behalf. You can challenge harmful assumptions, you can take meaningful action. You can start with your own actions in your own communities.

Our publications are still available on our website and will be for the foreseeable future. Please put them to good use.

Good luck

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No future? The road ahead for development NGOs

Back in the day, when moving money around the world was a difficult operation and moving resources and people equally difficult, specialised international development NGOs made sense. Nowadays, communication and transport technology makes keeping in contact with people in developing countries easy, and moving large quantities of material is seen as undesirable and largely unnecessary.

Technology is making rich-country NGOs an unnecessary ‘middleman’. Why not have donors directly fund poor country organisations?

Philosophically, and economically, it makes no sense to have NGOs based in rich countries, while proclaiming their accountability to people in poor countries. If aid recipients are really the ones calling the shots, shouldn’t international development NGOs be established and operated by the poor themselves? Rather than rich-country NGOs setting up offices in poor countries to disburse funds to local partners, will we see poor-country NGOs setting up fundraising branches in rich countries? Or will web-based promotion and fund-raising activities make a physical presence in rich countries entirely unnecessary?

Currently, the need for rich-country NGOs stems from their ability to add trust to the process. Many donors do not trust poor-country NGOs as they do the familiar (white) faces and accents of Oxfam, World Vision, Save the Children, et al.

But perhaps this is changing. Small MONGO (My Own NGO) agencies, often little more than fundraising operations reliant on personal contacts to deliver aid, and close relationships with donors, may be more able to build a more trusting relationship with donors than multi-national operations. Possibly, development NGOs will become polarised with a large number of MONGOs, working largely autonomously, and a small number of big professional agencies with close relations with government and business donors.

MONGOs, rightly or wrongly, see little purpose in putting energy into forming relationships with the ‘development sector’. They are happy to focus on their small practical projects, ignore larger debates and campaigns, and have little vision beyond their practical projects, while large NGOs are increasingly focused on political positioning, referred to as ‘aid effectiveness’ or ‘development effectiveness’.

The debate over ‘development effectiveness has happened before – in the industrialised and industrialising countries of the late 19th and 20th century. It’s often forgotten that the great ideological debates between variations of capitalism and socialism were largely about ‘development effectiveness’. Ideological differences weren’t mere academic arguments, but were about what you thought would drive development fastest, and towards the most desirable social goals.

In those days it was recognised that holding differences of opinions about the aims and methods of the development process was valid. Today, the hegemony of the west’s mash-up of neo-liberalism and social democracy is regarded as the only game in town (despite all the cracks appearing in the model), and a fake ‘global consensus’ is proposed. A lot of people won’t be included in this ‘consensus’ – the groups that are challenging both the methodologies and assumed monopoly on the formation of ideas of western governments, academics and organisations. The development theories of Hugo Chavez, the Andean movements, the Zapatistas and many of the world’s indigenous peoples won’t get a look in.

There’s a certain hubris about this project. Every now and then in political activism circles, I run across a naive, evangelical or power-seeking individual or group talking about ‘uniting everyone’. Their projects always fail as there are real differences between political players that can’t be erased by positive thinking or convenience. To try and carry out the same kind of project on a global scale is even more naive, or just plain cynical.

But probably it won’t matter much. Just like previous ‘global consensuses’ the result will be a vague mish-mash of a document that the ‘development sector’ merely pays lip-service to in after dinner speeches at international conferences.

Rather than producing documents of dubious merit, Large NGOs could be turning their attention to the development work that needs doing in rich countries (and when it comes to domestic development, the suggestion of being locked-in to a global consensus is fiercely opposed). The possibilities of so-called ‘South-North’ cooperation – bringing expertise from poor countries to help people in rich countries tackle their social and development problems – is another activity that NGOs could facilitate.

There’s also a need for greater efforts in educating people about international issues (particularly as this organisation closes down). As globalisation increases, global awareness, at least in rich countries, appears to be falling. Too many televisions, too much tourism; not enough talking and thinking.

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Guest post – Violaine Gagnet on non-communicable diseases

Leaders must get serious about NCDs of risk the MDG targets

The past few weeks has seen a flurry of activity in the NCD community as we prepare for the special high level summit in New York next week. NCDs – non-communicable diseases – will be top of the agenda on 19-20 September as world leaders attempt to chart a way forward in addressing this number one global killer.

Each year, NCDs – primarily cardiovascular diseases, diabetes, cancers, and chronic respiratory diseases – are responsible for some 63 million deaths worldwide. And although traditionally thought of as a curse of the wealthy, the poorest people on the planet are those worst affected. Some 80 per cent of the deaths caused by NCDs occur in low and middle income settings, and evidence suggests that if current trends continue, they will account for almost half of all deaths in Africa by 2030.

“The consequences [of NCDs] for societies and economies are devastating everywhere, but most especially so in poor, vulnerable and disadvantaged populations,” says WHO DG Margaret Chan in the foreword to the 2010 Global Status Report on Non-Communicable Diseases. “NCDs deliver a two-punch blow to development. They cause billions of dollars in losses of national income, and they push millions of people below the poverty line, each and every year,” she adds. Continue reading

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Time to arm Pacific women?

The Pacific’s poor record on gender issues is being highlighted by NGOs and academics.

Meredith Burgmann, president of the Australian NGO umbrella group ACFID has pointed out that the Pacific has the lowest number of female politicians in the world; fewer than three percent of elected representatives are women.

“Women’s representation is especially important given that 60 per cent of the countries in the Pacific do not have laws on domestic violence. Women in the Pacific face similar challenges when it comes to accessing health services, education and family planning,” she said.

A report from Amnesty International highlights sexual violence against women living in informal settlements in the Solomon Islands, where women’s vulnerability is increased by poor water and sanitation, making it necessary for women to walk long distances to collect water or use toilets.

But women in the Solomon Islands are at risk at home as well. A 2009 survey revealed that 64 per cent of women and girls between the ages of 15 and 49 had experienced physical and/or sexual violence from their partners and other family members. Continue reading

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Changing Africa’s image, one panel at a time

One of the low points in the cultural history of the United States was the publication, in the late 1980s, of the Batman comic Death in the Family, an episode famous for the killing off of Robin, the hero’s sidekick.

Much of the action takes place in the Middle East and Ethiopia. Robin’s long lost mum is a doctor (slim, blonde and looks slightly younger than her son) working in refugee camps. About the only positive thing you can say about the writers’ caricatures of Africans – as thugs, soldiers or starving refugees – is that they aren’t as negative as the caricatures of Arabs and Iranians.

An improvement is Unknown Soldier by US writer Joshua Dysart with later episodes drawn by Congolese artist Patrice Masioni Makamba. Set in northern Uganda in the late 1990s during fighting between the government and the Lord’s Resistance Army, there’s a lot of comment on aid politics and calls for African self-sufficiency. The downside is the plot, which is pretty standard US violent revenge fantasy stuff, lots of fights and things that go bang.

Trouble at the disco
Social conflict in 1970s Cote D’Ivoire, from Aya by Abouet and Oubrerie.

Continue reading

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It’s very complicated, but those are the bad guys

I grew up with TV images of the Lebanese civil war, but I never really had a clue what was going on. Unless wars involved Western militaries, the media seemed to be happy to present conflict both simplistically – “it’s just selfish nasty people and there’s nothing to understand” – and also as terribly intricate, wheeling out the odd academic to tell us “it’s all so complicated and confusing, only the experts can possibly understand it.”

Later on I did some reading and discovered it wasn’t particularly confusing; it was just journalists and academics being either lazy, or happy to paint foreign countries as mysterious and incomprehensible places, that stopped them telling the story clearly.

I’m finding Somalia is getting the same treatment. In a recent, fairly lengthy, news story (‘Somalia famine aid stolen, UN investigating’) we were told the World Food Programme regarded the country as a “dangerous, lawless, and conflict-ridden environment” and the history was covered by a couple of references to the US military intervention nearly 20 years ago, referred to by the name of the Hollywood movie loosely based on an event that occurred at the time. There’s a few mentions of ‘the government’, without pointing out that it controls only a fraction of the country, and no mention of the fact that much of the country isn’t “conflict-ridden” and substantial parts of it are under stable administrations – just not the one that Western countries insist constitutes “the government”. Continue reading

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Just another crisis: Famine, terror and governments in Somalia

I hardly know where to start on the Horn of Africa famine, except to say it all seems horribly familiar. Actually, make that ‘disgustingly’ familiar.

Three decades on since Ethiopian famines spawned the likes of Live Aid and little has changed, the causes are slightly different, the reactions somewhat more clichéd and the public and media more jaded.

The reaction seems depressingly familiar – calls for more money, complaints that the response should have started earlier and the usual reports of malnourished babies and parents having to abandon their children. Politicians, such as Aussie foreign minister Kevin Rudd and British international development secretary Andrew Mitchell, use the crisis for smug point-scoring and opposing “restrictive trade policies”. Their piece is titled “It is obscene that we should leave any child to starve”, but apparently not obscene enough to prevent both governments preferring to spend multiple billions on new fighter aircraft.

Rudd and Mitchell piece Continue reading

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NGO accountability and the future of aid

For NGOs working in international development, accountability is a huge can of worms.

NGOs are in the middle of a complex chain of accountability – being accountable in various ways to donors, staff, aid recipients, the governments of the countries in which they are based and in which they work, to other organisations they have relationships with, and sometimes to government bodies which provide them with funds. At times, these interests may converge, with all the players making the same demands on the organisation, but at other times they are divergent.

NGOs may also make themselves accountable to some form of constitution – a statement of ‘aims and principles’. In theory this acts as a proxy agreement between the NGO and its donors, it being assumed that donors give money on the assumption that the NGO will act in accordance with the document. In practice accountability to a document is seldom audited and there are few sanctions for failing to follow it. Donors and documents do not always match and an NGO may end up having to make a hard choice between sticking to its aims and principles, and following the political whims of donors. Continue reading

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Arms and the nice guy

What is the correct response to a repressive, nuclear-armed government with a history of sabre-rattling and whose agencies have been implicated in support for terrorism? Give it billions of dollars in military aid, of course.

And because they’ve been naughty, and President Obama is a very moral fellow, the government of Pakistan is only getting around 1.2 billion dollars from the United States this year (the other $800 million or so will be held over or might even be cancelled), whereas the millions of people in Somalia threatened by famine will get $43 million from the US this year.

US military aid to Pakistan deferred US response to famine in Somalia

Before I get accused of being ‘anti-American’, I should note that other countries which have recently supplied Pakistan with weapons include Britain, France, China, Belgium, Sweden, Switzerland, Ukraine, Russia, Turkey and Italy. Continue reading

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Aspiring to be peasants

For everyone from yuppies seeking lifestyle blocks to former slaves seeking a life of freedom, small farms have always been an attractive option.

Making support for small farmers a priority is increasingly part of the development agenda, particularly in the light of the on-going food crisis. Oxfam’s Grow campaign follows the work of the Slow Food movement in valuing small farmers. Peasants have gone from being metaphors for poverty and backwardness to being praised as role models. Government aid has been slower to get on board, with NGO ONE International issuing a highly critical report saying governments haven’t followed-up on promised support to majority-world farmers.

Grow Campaign Slow Food One International report

Rather than the traditional development pattern of increasiing industrialisation, should a world largely comprised of small farmers be the major development goal? Continue reading

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